The recent European Parliament elections have sent shockwaves through the European Union, raising significant concerns about the future stability, cohesiveness, and centrality of the EU. The results have been met with glee in Moscow, where Russian politicians have celebrated the substantial losses suffered by mainstream parties in France and Germany and lauded the successes of right-wing and ultra-right parties across Europe.

Russia’s disdain for the EU is well-documented, but the rise of nationalist, populist, and ultra-right parties within the EU is now posing a serious threat to the bloc’s unity and future. These parties have capitalized on widespread voter dissatisfaction fueled by soaring prices, immigration concerns, the ongoing war in Ukraine, and the costs associated with transitioning to a green economy. As a result, they have managed to secure nearly a quarter of the seats in the European Parliament.

Perhaps most alarming is the fact that these parties, once seen as fringe options for disgruntled, middle-aged white individuals, are now gaining significant traction among younger voters. A pre-election survey indicated that approximately 26 percent of 18 to 24-year-olds in France supported Marine Le Pen’s National Rally. This shift in voter demographics highlights a broader change in attitudes across Europe, where voting for populist right-wing parties is no longer viewed as a mere protest or a wasted vote but as a legitimate expression of political preference.

European Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen’s assertion that “the center is holding” rings hollow in light of these developments. The recent elections have exposed the extent to which both national governments and EU institutions have failed to contain the rise of the hard right and address the changing attitudes among the electorate. These parties are now positioning themselves as the voice of the common citizen, tapping into fears and grievances, and stoking them when it suits their agenda.

A key strategy of these parties has been to exploit two main issues: the perceived failure of the state and its traditional leadership, and the belief that their countries are being overrun by immigrants and foreigners. Former UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown warned in an April newspaper article that the rightward shift in EU policies could become a tidal wave following these elections. He expressed concern that the EU would have to grapple with a surge of ultranationalists, demagogues, and populist-nationalists who would push for more extreme policies on immigration, trade, and the environment.

The impact of these populist and demagogic forces is already being felt across Europe. Nationalist prime ministers currently lead Hungary, Italy, and Slovakia. Right-wing parties are either in power or supporting governments in Finland and Sweden, and are poised to form a government in the Netherlands under Geert Wilders’ anti-immigrant, anti-Islam Freedom Party. Meanwhile, in France, Germany, and Spain, these parties are gaining ground and are within striking distance of top governmental positions.

This rightward shift is not confined to Europe; it is part of a global trend. With the possibility of a second Trump presidency in the United States, a more aggressive nationalist and protectionist agenda could further destabilize an already volatile world.

In the EU, many attribute the rise of populist sentiments to years of low economic growth and austerity measures, which have fostered widespread discontent. This has created a cycle of frustration, amplified by the often manipulative digital realm, leading to widespread pessimism. Blame is then cast on various societal groups perceived to be holding back the country’s fortunes, such as establishment politicians, immigrants, and minority groups. Traditional mainstream parties have struggled to counter the simplistic yet appealing slogans of the populist extreme-right.

The presence of immigrants and foreign workers, particularly in major European cities, has become a focal point for right-wing parties. While these workers are essential to the economies of countries with declining populations, they are often scapegoated during times of economic hardship. In prosperous times, immigrants are seen as contributors to economic growth, but in periods of decline, they become targets for extremist and populist rhetoric, labeled as “invaders” who do not assimilate or share the host country’s culture and values.

Interestingly, despite their euroskeptic stance, none of these parties are advocating for an EU exit similar to Brexit. Instead, they aim to shift the EU further to the right from within, promoting stricter immigration policies, opposing environmental initiatives, reducing support for Ukraine, and undermining EU multilateralism by reclaiming national sovereignty from Brussels.

However, it is not yet time to abandon hope for the EU. There remains a significant majority of Europeans who value the benefits of EU membership and do not wish to see the bloc dismantled. This majority needs to be mobilized and energized to counter the narrative that hard-right parties will self-destruct after a few years in power. They must be proactive in pushing back against these forces.

The recent commemoration of the 80th anniversary of the Allied landings in Normandy, which marked the fight against fascism and nationalism, underscores the irony of the current situation. The election results suggest that these very ideologies are once again gaining ground in Europe.

To counter this trend, national governments and EU institutions must intensify their efforts to address the underlying causes of voter dissatisfaction. They need to offer concrete solutions to the economic and social challenges facing Europeans, such as affordable housing, job opportunities, and a sense of security. The question remains whether Europe and its citizens will awaken to this challenge before it is too late.

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