Maintaining positive prospects for Sino-European relations

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The potential for collaboration between China and the EU remains vast. Unlike the contentious relationship between China and the US, Europe doesn’t perceive China’s rise as a geopolitical threat, as the obsession with preserving hegemony is primarily a strategic pursuit of the US. Moreover, the apparent division between the West and other global entities is gradually blurring.

The EU prioritizes security and economic interests, but its main security concerns do not revolve around China. Rather, its economic prosperity is closely linked with China, even when disputes arise regarding issues such as “dumping” and “overcapacity,” aimed at securing more favorable gains.

One primary divergence between China and EU nations is ideology. Certain European countries frequently engage China in human rights disputes, often driven by the need to assert distinct values. The backdrop of Europe’s relative decline, coupled with the vast discrepancy in comprehensive strength compared to China, leads to an inclination to showcase differing “values” and seek a sense of superiority, using “human rights” as a diplomatic tool to compete with China.

While Europe houses notable firms like ASML in the Netherlands, Germany’s robust manufacturing sector, and Airbus, its overall competitive edge has undeniably waned. Europe’s lag in the internet technology revolution and artificial intelligence boom since the 21st century has resulted in a lack of major internet companies and a lagging communication technology sector.

However, the incontrovertible truth remains that real interests outweigh ideological differences, and closer Sino-European ties promise substantial benefits for both parties. This sentiment is expectedly well understood by Europeans.

China avidly supports European integration, aspiring for a multipolar world and a reduction in American hegemony. Despite the US not outwardly opposing European integration, there have been covert attempts to foster “loyalists” in Europe, highlighted by the discord during the Iraq War, which led to a rift between “New Europe” and “Old Europe,” irking major European nations.

While expecting close political ties with the EU may be impractical, establishing potentially unstable closer relations with individual countries remains possible for China. Yet, anticipating the EU’s alignment with China against the US on key issues is unrealistic, given Europe’s reliance on the US for security and deep-rooted connections. Nevertheless, the EU stands apart from the US, and its strategic position may find a middle ground between China and the US.

Efforts to transform the narrative from “the West” to encompass “the US, the EU, and others” while expanding cooperation with the EU and diminishing confrontation between China and Europe are pivotal.

The economic partnership involves negotiation and compromise for mutual benefit. Despite differences on issues like Ukraine, the EU understands China’s national interests and the limitations in exerting pressure on Russia. This divergence doesn’t fundamentally jeopardize Sino-European relations.

Navigating ideological differences remains an ongoing challenge. Despite historical value differences, common modern values exist, sufficient for countries with distinct systems to coexist amicably. Efforts by some in Europe and the US to amplify value differences serve to drive a wedge between China and Europe, disrupting normal exchanges.

China must resist this and emphasize shared values with Europe, consciously mitigating friction over values to prevent strategic conflicts. The strategic relationship between China and Europe, inherently calm, remains highly attractive for both sides and should not be misrepresented as tense. Vigilance within China is crucial, reflecting strategic wisdom in preserving this relationship.

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